The words that follow are being written in the very hours when the last remaining residents of Ras Ein al-Auja are leaving the place where they lived for many years.

This horrific event is, first and foremost, an unfathomable disaster for the families who have suffered severely over the past two and a half years. But it also carries within it a profound trauma for the community of human rights activists, whose members made extraordinary efforts to protect the residents of the community in the face of relentless attacks. The core and most consistent presence was that of activists from Looking the Occupation in the Eye, but we must note—especially recently—they were joined by additional volunteers from Israel and from around the world.

Most of us—if not all of us—are experiencing in these days heavy feelings of failure, pain and grief, frustration, and even rage in the face of this abhorrent expulsion. Many of us are asking hard and probing questions about the future of the state and the society that enable this vile act, and we do not forget, even for a moment, the horrors of the war crimes committed—and still being committed—by the Israeli military against the population of the Gaza Strip.

It must be emphasized that those who carried out the bulk of the daily, violent acts of terror against the residents of the community were violent messianic Jewish terrorists, inhabitants of illegal outposts that were deliberately established in close proximity to the scene of the crime. Yet these perpetrators would not have succeeded in their scheme without substantial support from state authorities whose legal duty was to protect the residents of the occupied territory—and the West Bank is, under Israeli law as well, an occupied territory.

It begins with turning a blind eye to the crimes of ethnic cleansing and continues with the active collaboration of many actors. It is important to call them out—so they remain in infamy, now and for generations to come. These include the Israel Defense Forces, the sovereign power in the West Bank, under the command of Avi Bluth and those under his command; the Judea and Samaria District of the Israeli Police, headed by a convicted Kahanist criminal; the military body euphemistically known as the Civil Administration; the elected officials and employees of the regional council; and, of course, politicians at every level who support—both openly and behind the scenes—Jewish terror and ethnic cleansing in Area C, as a first stage in a plan to impose Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank that will be followed with a cleanse it of its residents.

We acted with determination and courage against forces stronger than us—forces aligned with this atrocity—and we could not prevail against them. It is highly doubtful that this bitter outcome could have been changed. For many of us, what unfolded in “Ras” was a heart-wrenching continuation of the expulsions of many Palestinian communities that we have witnessed over the past two to three years. To our horror, there is a strong likelihood that the malicious hard-right government will continue to support acts of Jewish terror and ethnic cleansing for as long as it remains in power, and even if it is defeated in the upcoming elections, it is by no means clear that their outcome will bring about any substantive change.

We must note additional “enabling factors” in the ethnic cleansing process, including the expulsion of Ras Ein al-Auja. It is difficult to ignore the indifference of the majority of the Israeli public—including the so-called “liberal-democratic camp”—to the horrific reality in the occupied territories, even though here and there one can identify new supporters joining the work of “protective presence.” Equally frustrating is the fact that, unlike their international counterparts, most Israeli media outlets have devoted very little attention to the issue. One must also mention the impotence of European Union member states, which are well aware of the atrocities yet do almost nothing beyond issuing statements that contribute little of substance (including recognition of a Palestinian state). A final enabling factor I will note here is the outrageous and near-total support of the Supreme Court of Israel for the scandalous conduct of the security forces in the West Bank.

And perhaps most important of all, it is becoming increasingly clear that although the United States administration has vetoed the de-jure annexation of the West Bank by Israel, it is silently acquiescing in the continued de-facto annexation of vast areas of the West Bank. It is reasonable to assume that this is also coordinated with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Of course, much more could be added and expanded upon, but it seems to me that the picture is already quite clear, and that it would be wrong to “prettify” it. The picture is extremely harsh, and at least at this point in time, it is difficult to find—or to offer—any good news.

But it is precisely from this place that, in my view, the right course of action is to regroup and to set challenges for the coming two to three years. After all that transpired, I am certain that most of us are convinced—more than ever—that our moral and ethical compasses require no recalibration whatsoever, and that we must continue the struggle. I therefore wish to lay out a set of principles that I believe are essential to the work of human rights organizations in Israel, including Looking the Occupation in the Eye:

● To continue—and intensify—protective presence activities in the West Bank, even when the likelihood of preventing future community expulsions is low. This is imperative on many dimensions, from moral and ethical responsibility to the need to document criminal terrorist and state violence.

● To strengthen inter-organizational cooperation to expand activist recruitment, streamline communications efforts, build ties with diplomatic actors, and more.

● We must establish sustained and substantive engagement with leading figures in the Democratic Party, in the hope that its strength will grow in the upcoming midterm elections this November and in the run-up to the presidential and Senate elections three years from now. This is both necessary and legitimate, particularly given the fact that the current Israeli government and its leadership have effectively “placed their bets” on the Republican Party. The current United States administration is providing backing to the Israeli government and to far-right actors in their criminal actions in the West Bank.

● We must take part in efforts to replace the government in Israel ahead of the next elections, even if the elements of the possible alternative do not truly “delight” us. Naturally, we will do so without folding our flags, while supporting the Arab parties, which may prove to be a key factor in the elections. We must continue to seize every opportunity to convey our messages to the public.

● Even if it appears impossible, we must demand—precisely now—that the state assume responsibility for its failures in protecting the Palestinian population, and that it compensate the expelled Palestinian communities for the horrific bodily and property damage inflicted on residents as a result of criminal Jewish terror. Beyond this, we must demand the return of all expelled communities to the places from which they were driven. I am convinced that on this issue it will be possible to reach many receptive ears around the world, and perhaps even to generate levers of pressure on the current government and the one that follows.

● Despite the frustration caused by the failure to act by the European Union and its member states, we must continue to apply pressure on the EU and its members. It is important to remember that the current frustrating reality may yet change as a result of political shifts that are not visible at present.

The author is an activist and a secular humanist rabbi.